Explain why students from ethnic minority backgrounds face difficulties in developing an identity

Multigroup ethnic identity measure

Ethnic identity is a multidimensional concept that includes self-categorization or labeling, commitment or attachment to a group, certain values and beliefs that are associated with the group, and an evaluation of the group which can be positive or negative. A person’s sense of ethnic group membership, evaluation, and salience of this membership for personal identity can change over time, as a result of exploration, and also in the context of other social and institutional realities (Phinney & Ong, 2007).

The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure was devised by Jean Phinney (1992) to capture the concepts of exploration and commitment of ethnic identity, similar to the processes introduced in Marcia’s ego identity measure. Based on various studies, the revised measure includes an open-ended question in which respondents provide their ethnic self-label, and six survey-type questions, three for each factor of exploration and commitment. The instrument can be used to explore individual differences in ethnic identity among members of a specific ethnic group, comparisons across ethnic groups, developmental changes in ethnic identity over the period from adolescence into adulthood, and studies of how early experiences impact later consolidation of ethnic identity (Brown et al., 2014).

Cultural identity

Ethnic identity has been found to protect youth from alcohol use. Strong ethnic identity is associated with reduced alcohol use in minority youth (Banks et al., 2019). When Black youth reported their race to be a central part of their identity, they engaged in lower frequencies of alcohol use (Caldwell, Sellers, Bernat, & Zimmerman, 2004). This is congruent in the Hispanic/Latino community with Perreira et al. (2019) finding strong ethnic identity to be associated with lower susceptibility to alcohol- and smoking-related behaviors. However, identifying with an ethnic subculture in the Hispanic/Latino community, such as Cholo, is associated with increased risk of substance use (Unger, Thing, Soto, & Baezconde-Garbanati, 2014). It is important to understand the resilience of ethnic identity and its protective effects against alcohol use when working with minority racial/ethnic groups.

Academic Success

In studies with African American and Latino/a American adolescents, high racial and ethnic identities have been associated with positive academic effects. African American and Latino/a American students who report a higher ethnic identity as assessed by connectedness, awareness of racism, and a strong belief that achievement is valued by their cultural group, achieve higher grade point averages in eighth and ninth grades. Ethnic identity affirmation has also been positively associated with teachers' reports of student grades, work habits, and cooperation behaviors. Strong ethnic identity has also been linked with self-esteem, which in turn is associated with higher grades. It appears that high ethnic/racial identities contribute to a sense of ability and achievement for ethnic minority students, which in turn, contributes to academic success. In fact, a study with African American adolescents found that ethnic identity, self-efficacy, and maternal support predict adolescents' orientation toward future academic achievements (e.g., thoughts, beliefs, dreams about their academic future). Indeed, when African American parents discuss discrimination and promote academic achievement as part of a strong cultural identity, their adolescent children are more likely to perform well at school.

Positive associations between ethnic identity and academic attitudes have also been found among Mexican American, Chinese American, and European American ninth graders. Scores on racial centrality and private regard are positively associated with

the belief that education is integral for their future success;

the intrinsic value of school (i.e., attitudes toward schoolwork);

the belief that school is useful for one's present and future lives;

academic value;

the belief that one is valued and respected by the teachers and other adults at their school; and

students' identification with their school.

Thus, a strong ethnic identity was associated with positive academic attitudes for all groups in the study, including European Americans.

However, strong ethnic identity may not be positively associated with academic achievement. One important factor appears to be the way in which racial or ethnic minorities perceive academic success. Several studies have found that when Mexican American adolescents tend to associate academic achievement with European American culture, a strong ethnic identity is not related to grade point average (GPA) or attitudes toward school. Likewise, African American adolescents who associate academic achievement with ‘acting White’ tend to be less motivated to do well in school and report lower GPAs. However, willingness to interact with other ethnic groups was positively correlated with attitudes toward school, education, and GPA, which suggest that willingness to interact with other ethnic groups may be a component of academic success for Mexican Americans. Interestingly, for African Americans, those who have high racial centrality, high private regard, and perceptions of low public regard for African Americans may be more likely than others to go to college. In contrast, those who report low connectedness to their ethnic group, idealized perceptions of their ethnic group, or alienation from their racial group are less likely to continue to college. Youth who have a strong racial identity and report feeling low public regard for their racial group persisted in school because they had strong connections to their racial group and had realistic perceptions of how society regards African Americans. In contrast, youth with low connected identities lacked social support for persisting in school. Idealized youth were likely to face disappointment when they faced the reality of low public regard for African Americans. Alienated youth had negative regard for African Americans and perceived the public's regard similarly, which may have interfered with persistence in school.

Perceived discrimination can also impact African American adolescents' attitudes about academic achievement. A longitudinal study found that experiencing perceived daily discrimination in the school by teachers and peers negatively affected African American youth satisfaction with their schoolwork. The study also found that these perceptions of daily discrimination were associated with lowered self-esteem and increased their frustration and distress. Additionally, perceived discrimination predicted decreased importance and value of school, decreased sense of ability to do well in school, and declines in GPA. However, a strong ethnic identity attenuated these negative effects. A strong ethnic identity was found to promote school achievement and motivation and protected African American youth against the negative effects of discrimination. Interestingly, anticipated future discrimination was also associated with more academic motivation.

Another construct closely related to discrimination, racial stereotype, has also been found to influence short-term academic achievement and these effects can be positive or negative based on the type of racial stereotype being primed. Research with young adults has found that African Americans, Latino/a Americans, and Asian Americans can be adversely affected if the stereotype primes negative associations with academic or intellectual abilities. For instance, African Americans perform poorly on cognitive tests when they see a peer of the same race perform poorly. Similarly, research with Asian American females found that priming about ethnic identity produced better math performance compared to women who were primed about their gender identity or received no prime because the stereotype regarding Asian Americans is that they are good at math. In fact, priming about gender (i.e., exposing Asian American women to cues reminding them to think of their gender) resulted in poorer math performance. Although most research has concentrated on college performance, evidence suggests that stereotype threat begins to affect youth beginning at age 11 or 12, a critical developmental period for academic success. Interventions in decreasing stereotype threat by increasing beliefs and cognitions about students' ability to learn and the malleability of intelligence have been successful in increasing math and reading test scores for African American and Latino adolescents.

Latinos

The literature on ethnic identity development among Latino adolescents has not explored the implications of the heterogeneity that exists within this population. Thus, future research should consider the implications of national heritage and subsequent links to minority status: specifically, potential differences between immigrants and involuntary minorities resulting from a history of slavery, conquest, or colonization. Many Latinos, given the pervasive implications of African slavery, can claim both a Latin and African heritage; this intersection between ethnicity and race is unique to this population and deserves more attention in the literature. The manner in which individuals identify themselves as well as the value and salience placed on that identity has implications for a variety of developmental outcomes. Therefore, subsequent research should address these concerns and their consequences for this population.

Racism

Inequitable treatment due to racial or ethnic identities occurs across sporting environments. Racism affects university, professional, and elite sports, from youth to masters' levels. Incidents of racist fan behavior at World Cup or international rugby events, for example, are not uncommon. Racist actions in sport result in fewer athletes of color engaging in particular sports (e.g., swimming, golf), minimal numbers of athletes of color competing at elite levels of sport, and few individuals of color as coaches or managers of athletic programs. When athletes of color are able to access athletic arenas, they may experience overt prejudicial behaviors expressed toward them, lack of fan support, and limited opportunities to learn sports. Conflated with these indignities, female athletes of color face additional barriers, as do persons with disabilities, or indigenous, or lesbian, gay male, bisexual, or transgendered (LGBT) athletes of color.

A common racist action in sport is stacking, which occurs when a certain social group of athletes is funneled into peripheral positions on athletic teams. For example, in Western team sports, White athletes historically held the leadership and central positions. Some coaches believed that Black athletes were not smart enough to take on the responsibility of this position. Rather, Black athletes were guided into positions requiring speed and jumping ability (e.g., pass receivers). This practice led coaches to encourage young Black players to gain skills in peripheral positions if they wanted an opportunity to participate in higher levels of the sport. It also encouraged self-selection into positions where there were Black role models. Stacking ultimately limited the number of athletes of color on a team because these players would be competing for only a few positions. This practice occurs across a wide array of sports.

While the overt practice of stacking has declined in many sports, lack of minority representation in sport administration and coaching is widespread. As these are the powerful, decision-making positions, athletes of color have little representation in how sport is conducted or who is selected for teams or management positions. Additionally, sport has become a big business. The owners, managers, and organizers in the business of sport have become quite wealthy and powerful, allowing them to wield considerable power concerning how sport is run and who can be involved. Few men of color rise to these positions and almost no women of color are sport team owners or managers.

6.1 Gender and Age of the Speaker

There is little doubt that there are voice and speech characteristics that mark the personal identity, gender, age, and ethnic background of a speaker. Such long-term speaker-characterizing features are of two different sorts. One type arises from physical characteristics of the vocal and respiratory apparatus and is, to a high degree, beyond volitional control. For example, men and boys usually have louder and lower pitched voices than do women and girls as a result of having a larger respiratory volume as well as longer and thicker vocal cords. Elderly individuals often experience changes in voice quality and loudness due to factors such as ossification of the vocal cords, diminished respiratory capacity, and reduced coordination within the central nervous system. The second type of characterizing features is the product of the way in which the speaker habitually sets his or her vocal apparatus for speaking. These features are under potential control, yet they are not usually deliberately managed by the speaker.

In all societies, age and gender are important social categories, and individuals of different genders and ages may be discernible on the basis of specific voice and speech characteristics. However, both the specific features and the magnitude of differences may be partly affected by cultural factors.

Usually, women and girls show higher pitch and greater pitch variability than do men and boys; however, the magnitude of female–male differences varies across cultures and even across social classes. It may be hypothesized that the magnitude of these differences relates to differences in the masculinity–femininity dimension. Because masculine countries stress gender role differences, voice differences should be more pronounced than in more feminine cultures. Consistent with this hypothesis is that in Japan, a country with a high masculinity index, the difference in pitch (as well as in verbal style) has been found to be higher than that in England and The Netherlands, two countries with a moderate masculinity index. However, the three countries differ even more with respect to power distance, so that one cannot unambiguously attribute the voice and speech differences to differences in masculinity. It would be of interest to compare various countries of equal power distance differing exclusively in masculinity (e.g., with Japan as a masculine country and Thailand as a feminine country).

In a number of studies, F0 has been investigated as a function of age. The average F0 in babies has been found to be extremely high when they are crying (approximately 400–600 Hz) and somewhat lower when they are babbling (approximately 300–500 Hz). It decreases for both males and females with increasing age, at least until adulthood is attained. The changes during adulthood show a marked difference between the sexes, at least in Western societies. For women, no evidence of any systematic changes has been found. On the other hand, average F0 in men appears to decrease slightly from young adulthood to middle adulthood and then to shift upward from approximately 65 years of age onward. One explanation relates the upward shift in old age to a weakening of the gonads in secreting hormones, a process comparable to puberty, a period when one generally finds a marked decrease in F0. However, it is also possible to explain this shift without recourse to biology. F0 has been shown to be affected by both habitual and transitory stress; most people tend to respond to stress with an increase in mean F0. Thus, it seems reasonable to hypothesize that the upward shift reflects not only age-related physiological changes but also emotional tension caused by factors such as forced retirement, fewer social contacts, decreasing self-sufficiency, and low status associated with old age in Western societies. Cross-cultural comparisons might well shed some light on this issue, but there has been a lack of such studies so far. One may assume, for example, that factors such as the evaluation of old age, in terms of status and institutional support in a particular culture, do play an important role in mediating voice changes.

Race and Culture

Racial and cultural issues pose interesting challenges, particularly for the adolescent. A child forms both gender and ethnic identities around the ages of 3–5 years. Children become familiar with cultural differences and history long before puberty begins. However, it is in adolescence that teenagers make a conscious commitment to be a member of their culture. They will generally embrace the values of their culture, which may not be the same as the dominant culture. This may lead to stress, especially if they have frequent interactions with peers of other cultures. They also can understand the abstract concepts of racism and inequality. They may be more likely to experience these as they leave their family and have more contact with peers and adults from other walks of life. Nonwhite adolescents are twice as likely as their white peers to be funneled into the juvenile justice system rather than the mental health system when they have a problem with the law. They are also more likely to identify their main stressors as environmental ones (such as living in a dangerous neighborhood) rather than more personal ones. Most teenagers come to terms with their ethnic identity and with negative stereotypes and prejudices. They are able to accept themselves and their place within both society and their own ethnic culture. Those that do not do so have more difficulty with self-image and psychological adjustment. Adolescents who immigrate to a new country face additional stress, as they become more dependent on their families at a time when they are trying to develop independence. If they do push to be more independent, they may be more likely to join an inappropriate peer group.

Ethnic and Cultural Differences

Until the 1990s, little was known about the how the caregiving experience varies in relation to cultural and ethnic identities. Advances in cross-cultural research have demonstrated the diversity among caregivers throughout the world, including differences between developing and developed countries, and urban and rural settings.

Within the United States, research indicates both similarities and differences among caregivers depending upon their ethnicity. Some work suggests that for family members caring for relatives with a variety of disabilities, there is no clear relationship between the caregivers’ ethnicity and the amount of stress they experience. Yet regardless of the ethnic background or identity of a caregiver, it is clear that across all ethnic groups family care is the most preferred and relied upon source of assistance. Extensive and supportive kin networks have been documented in Americans of all ethnic backgrounds, including Mexican Americans, African Americans, Asian Americans, and Euro-Americans (e.g., Greek, Italian, Polish, Irish).

Currently, the predominant theme in caregiving is to focus on the differences between Euro- and non-Euro-American caregivers with little attention paid to the great heterogeneity within different ethnic groups. For example, Euro-American caregivers are frequently compared to Asian, Hispanic, or African American caregivers. Growing evidence indicates that differences between these groups are less pronounced than differences within the groups. In addition, it has been suggested that group differences may be more related to the length of time since immigration than to specific ethnic background. As a result, there has been a call to shift efforts away from intergroup study and instead to focus attention on intragroup differences.

Abstract

The evolving study of identity development has become increasingly attentive to the ways that young people think about their socioeconomic and racial-ethnic identities. The status-based identity framework provides one way to analyze the implications of these dynamic identities, particularly as people approach young adulthood. For students from low socioeconomic status (SES) backgrounds, the experience of socioeconomic mobility can accompany an aversive sense of uncertainty about their own SES, termed status uncertainty, with potential negative implications for their academic behaviors and outcomes. A longitudinal study and experiment demonstrate some of these consequences and suggest how intersections between socioeconomic and racial-ethnic identities may be associated with well-being. This perspective on the dynamic identities of young people calls for consistent attention to the various levels of context that can be leveraged to support positive development, effective goal pursuit, and desired life trajectories.

C Social Identity and Social Cognitive Theory

Social identity theory proposed by Tajfel and Turner (1986) suggests that individuals experience collective identity based on their membership in a group, such as racial/ethnic and gender identities. Social identity leads individuals to categorize themselves and other salient groups into “us” versus “them.” Self-categorization based on group membership might be so salient that it can get activated automatically even with subtle stimuli. To maintain positive social identity, people engage in intergroup comparisons that demonstrate a favorable bias toward their in-group, display discriminatory behaviors toward out-groups, and use coping mechanisms such as internal/external causal attributions for group failures (Brewer, 1979; Brewer, Manzi, & Shaw, 1993; Fiske & Taylor, 1991; Hewstone, 1990).

Media stereotyping studies have applied social identity perspectives to understand effects on both majority and minority group members. Group identity is especially salient for members of minority groups, and studies show that they prefer content featuring members of their minority in-groups in the media (Appiah, 2001, 2002; Fujioka, 2005). Audience members from minority groups are conscious of features that might mark them as distinct from the majority group and are particularly sensitive to how they are represented in popular media, in which they are often typically invisible. According to the ethnolinguistic identity theory, viewing media programs that feature members of their group increases their in-group vitality, especially when depicted in a positive light (Abrams, Eveland, & Giles, 2003; Giles, Bourhis, & Taylor, 1977).

With regard to research on majority group members, when media representations of out-groups “accommodate” in-group norms, minority group members in real-life are evaluated less stereotypically (Coover, 2001). Media stereotyping serves as an avenue for categorizing other groups, especially when the stereotype serves the in-group positively and the out-group negatively. For example, Mastro (2003) showed that White audiences, especially those with higher racial identification, would have a greater tendency to judge Latinos in a negative light after exposure to televised portrayals of Latino criminality and also reported higher self-esteem when exposed to Latino criminality on television.

Another theoretical perspective that tries to integrate real-world experiences with mediated ones in shaping identities and behaviors is the social cognitive theory. It suggests that people cognitively process information and internalize responses to situations based on observations, even when they do not experience them firsthand, and adapt them to their own contexts (Bandura, 1977, 2002). Although very complex and broad in scope, some key concepts from this theory, such as abstract modeling, inhibitory and disinhibitory processes, vicarious learning, and positive/negative reinforcement, have been applied to media stereotyping studies. For example, Ortiz and Harwood (2007) examined whether positive intergroup interactions role-modeled in the media would lead to positive attitudinal outcomes through abstract modeling and identification. Fujioka (1999) found that the nature of vicarious contact (positive or negative) with African-Americans via television portrayals shaped Japanese international students’ attitudes toward this group. Behm-Morawitz and Mastro (2009) found that sexualized portrayals of female characters in video games can negatively influence self-esteem and self-efficacy in female gamers. Ward and Friedman (2006) found that adolescents who viewed stereotypical media portrayals of women as sex objects were more likely to be supportive of sexist behaviors.